In 1783 a volcanic fissure in Iceland erupted with enormous
force, pouring out cubic kilometers of lava. Layers of poisonous
ash snowed down upon the island. The grass died; three-quarters
of the livestock starved to death, followed by a quarter of the
people. A peculiar haze shadowed western Europe for months. Benjamin
Franklin, visiting France, noticed the unusual cold that summer
and speculated that it might have been caused by the volcanic
"fog" that visibly dimmed the
sunlight.(1) |
- LINKS - |
Better evidence came
from the titanic 1883 explosion of Krakatau (Krakatoa) in the
East Indies, which sent up a veil of volcanic dust that
reduced sunlight around the world for months. The planet had so
few weather stations that scientists were unable to learn for
sure whether the eruption affected the average global temperature.
But from then on, scientific reviews of climate change commonly
listed volcanoes as a natural force that might affect large regions,
perhaps the entire planet. Looking at temperatures after major
volcanic eruptions between 1880 and 1910, a few scientists believed
they could see a distinct temporary cooling. (The most impressive
confirmation came late in the 20th century, when examination of older records
showed that the1815 eruption of Tambora, scarcely noted at the
time outside Indonesia, had affected the world’s climate
much more than Krakatau. Crops were frozen as far away as New
England.)(2*) |
=>Solar
variation
=>Climate
cycles
|
Perhaps the smoky
skies in an era of massive volcanic eruptions were responsible
for the ice ages, or had even killed off the dinosaurs by cooling
the Earth?(3) This image
of climate change became familiar in popular as well as scientific
thinking. In the 1950s, experts noted that the Northern Hemisphere
had been getting warmer over the last several decades, a time
when volcanoes had been relatively quiet, whereas the preceding
century had experienced a number of huge eruptions and had been
severely colder.(4) |
=>Public
opinion
Full discussion in
<=Modern
temp's |
The climate scientist J. Murray Mitchell,
Jr. took up the question, with the help of improved data on how
minuscule particles (aerosols) moved through the upper atmosphere.
Studies of fallout from nuclear bomb tests had shown that fine
dust injected into the stratosphere would linger for a few years,
but would not cross from one hemisphere to the other. With that
in mind, Mitchell pored over global temperature statistics and
put them alongside the record of volcanic eruptions. In 1961,
he announced that large eruptions caused a significant part of
the irregular variations in average annual temperature in a given
hemisphere. On the other hand, average temperatures had fallen
since 1940, a period in which the world had seen few major eruptions.
Mitchell concluded that the recent cooling was an "enigma." He
thought it might signal a new phase of a decades-long "rhythm,"
the sort of cycle that generations of climatologists had tried
to winkle out of their data.(5)
|
<=External input
Murray
Mitchell |
Maybe aerosol science itself could solve the enigma. If it
was plausible that volcanic emissions could alter the climate,
what about particles from other sources? Meteorologists recognized
that dust and other tiny airborne particles could have important
influences. Simple physics theory suggested that such aerosols
should scatter radiation from the Sun back into space, cooling
the Earth. Through the first half of the 20th century, measurements
and theory were inadequate to say anything about that.(6*)
Speculation gradually came to focus on something that people
were beginning to recognize as a major source of atmospheric particles:
human activity. |
|
Aerosols as Global Pollution
(1920s-1960s) TOP
OF PAGE |
|
Hints that human emissions made a difference in the atmosphere
went back to measurements by the pioneering oceanographic vessel
Carnegie and other ships on voyages between 1913 and
1929. Analysis of the sea air showed a long-term decrease in its
conductivity, a decrease which seemed to be caused by smoke and
gases from ships and perhaps from industry on land. "Thus we see,"
a researcher concluded, "that like a living thing, the conductivity
of the lower atmosphere finds survival increasingly difficult
in our modern industrial age."(7)
Still, a 1953 review concluded that scientists simply did not
know whether pollution had significantly affected the transmission
of solar radiation.(8)
|
|
There was little prospect of getting an answer. Nobody had
foreseen the need for a series of uniform measurements over the
decades to show what was happening on a global scale. There existed
only a few indirect indications, like the Carnegie's
measurements of air far out at sea. It happened that some astronomical
observatories had kept regular records of the clarity of the air
at their sites. But nobody took on the challenge of hunting down
such data and trying to correct the numbers for local changes
such as the growth of a nearby city. As late as 1977, one expert
lamented that "the time and energy put into discussion perhaps
outweigh the time and energy which have been put into measurements."(9)
Worse, since air pollution seemed to be a problem only near the
cities and factories where it was emitted, nobody had studied
the relationship between pollution on the one hand and the chemistry
of the global atmosphere on the other. The two fields engaged
two different groups of investigators. |
|
Aerosols not only intercepted sunlight,
but might also affect climate by helping to create clouds. Research
early in the century had shown that clouds can only form where
there are enough "cloud condensation nuclei" (CCNs), tiny particles that
give a surface for the water droplets to condense around. In the
1950s, scientists began to consider whether people might be able
to deliberately change their local weather by injecting materials
into the atmosphere to help clouds form. "Seeding" clouds with
silver iodide smoke, in hopes of making rain, became a widespread
commercial enterprise. Less visible to the public were government
studies of the use of aerosols as a weapon of climatological warfare,
to inflict droughts or blizzards on an enemy. For good or ill,
it was becoming plausible that aerosols emitted on an industrial
scale could alter the climate of an entire region. |
<=>Climate mod |
Perhaps we were already doing something like that inadvertently.
In the early 1960s, Walter Orr Roberts, a prominent astrophysicist
at the University of Colorado, noticed that something was changing
in the broad and sparkling skies above Boulder. Roberts had a
long-standing interest in climate. One of the things that had
driven his career in astrophysics was a hope of connecting climate
with sunspot cycles; he had been especially impressed by the terrible
drought of the 1930s, which he had seen firsthand when he drove
through the Dust Bowl on his way to Colorado. Aerosols stayed
on his mind. |
|
One morning as he was talking with a reporter from
the New York Times Roberts pointed out the jet airplane
contrails overhead. He predicted that by mid afternoon they would
spread and thin, until you couldn't tell the contrails from cirrus
clouds. They did, and you couldn't.(10)
The Times made it a front-page story (Sept. 23, 1963).
"Until recently, Dr. Roberts explained, cirrus clouds were thought
to be more of an effect than a cause of weather conditions. But
data from balloon and satellite experiments now suggest... [clouds]
may trap enough heat beneath them to affect the weather." Since
jets evidently made cirrus clouds, they "might be altering the
climate subtly along major air routes." |
|
The idea was controversial, like anything
that sounded like "cloud seeding." Many scientists believed that
seeding with particles could cause rain only under unusual conditions
— or never. The "cloud chamber" studies around the start
of the 20th century, which had shown that clouds could not condense
in very pure air, did not seem significant. Most scientists believed
that there were always plenty of nuclei in the air, from sources
like soil dust stirred up by the wind and salt crystals from ocean
foam. Therefore clouds would form wherever the temperature and
humidity were right. Nobody had carefully tested this assumption.
The theory of how particles affected clouds was complex beyond
reckoning, and field tests were too costly to pursue far, especially
since their results turned out to be contradictory and confusing.
Scientists avoided the intractable study of cloud formation. As
one of them later recalled, they viewed tiny particles mainly
"as air-quality indicators."(11) |
<=>Climate mod |
By the early 1960s, however, the question of human influence
on clouds was starting to attract at least some scientific attention.
Roberts's observation of contrails was joined by other hints that
various types of anthropogenic aerosols — microscopic solid
particles or droplets of chemicals produced by human activity
— might indeed increase the amount of cloud cover. A 1966 study of satellite photos of the oceans found linear
clouds that might have been seeded by smoke from ships. Another
study, tracking rainfall downwind from paper mills, suggested
that humans were causing more precipitation inadvertently
than by deliberate cloud seeding.(12)
These were not global but local or regional effects, and speculative at best. |
|
Another line of thinking about the effects of dust from
human activities addressed pollution that settled on ice and snow. Could that lower their reflectivity enough to change
the climate? The idea was inspired by one of those quirky speculations
that both harassed and stimulated climate scientists — a
suggestion that "dusting of the ice caps" by volcanoes and soil
blown off of dry lands had caused the irregular changes in sea-level
that had been recorded in historic times.(13)
This was only one of countless theories of climate change, and
did not get much credence or attention. |
|
Roberts's tentative
ideas about clouds did get a chance to catch sustained attention.
The opportunity was a growing public concern over the U.S. government's
plans to build a fleet of supersonic transport airplanes. Hundreds
of flights a year would inject water vapor and other exhaust into
the high, thin stratosphere, where natural aerosols were rare
and any new chemical might linger for years. Some scientists feared
that the flights would seriously affect the climate.(14*)
A 1970 review by a panel of experts warned that aircraft were
already polluting the stratosphere with hydrocarbons and sulfur
and nitrogen compounds, all of which might interfere with radiation
directly as well as increasing cloudiness. They reported that
high cirrus clouds had in fact increased in the United States
since the 1940s. The effects of aircraft on climate might be significant,
they concluded — indeed particles emitted by a fleet of
supersonic transports might alter the stratosphere as much as
a volcanic eruption. But a calculation of the actual effects was
still far beyond reach.(15*)
Such work was admittedly closer to plausible story-telling than
scientific rigor. |
<=>Other
gases
=>Public
opinion
|
Aerosol science was just emerging as a field standing on its
own. Like many other fields it had gotten a strong impetus from
warfare, where smokes, poison gases, and disease-carrying aerosols
could be mortal concerns. The field first began to coalesce during
the Second World War, and its first handbook was based on studies
done under the Manhattan Project.(16)
After the war rainmaking jumped to the top of the list of practical
interests, but it was too intractable and controversial for most
aerosol specialists. Still less were they interested in tackling
the physics of clouds or the physics of radiation high in the
atmosphere — topics that were dauntingly intractable and remote
from any useful application. Concern over fallout from nuclear
weapons tests motivated some research (not always openly published)
that was potentially relevant to climate. Most aerosol specialists,
however, were far more interested in the practical problems of
air at ground level, especially public and occupational health.
And these problems, involving dust and pollution, "had no glamour
to offer for young researchers," as one pioneer admitted. The
field's first journal (named, naturally enough, the Journal
of Aerosol Science) was not founded until 1970, and the editor
remarked that even then "academic status has not
been achieved."(17) |
|
The people who were
coming together to form an aerosol science community were mostly
scattered among industrial and government laboratories. In these
organizations, as the new journal's editor remarked, "it is extremely
difficult for a scientist to concentrate over the many years which
are necessary for the mastery of a subject."(18*)
Many of the aerosol experts were kept busy studying local air
pollution, driven by rising public dismay over urban smogs. Chemists
were drawn in during the 1950s to analyze the smog of Los Angeles,
which turned out to be a fascinating (and sometimes lethal) mixture
of chemicals as well as solid particles. Meanwhile other aerosol experts
worked on industrial processes like "clean rooms" for manufacturing
electronics, and still others investigated military problems such
as the way particles scattered laser light. These researchers
had only occasional contact with their colleagues in different
areas of the proto-field of aerosol science, and still less with
anyone in other fields of science that might relate to
climate.(19) |
<=Public
opinion
<=>Climatologists
|
Most of the aerosol scientists' attention
went to "pollution" particles that fell out of the atmosphere
(or were washed out by rain) within a few days. But other microscopic particles could linger longer and travel
farther. Entire regions were intermittently hazed over, raising
questions about possible world-wide effects. Already in 1958,
one expert had remarked that "there can no longer be any sharp
division between polluted and unpolluted atmospheres."(20*)
It was some time before many others recognized how far pollution
spread beyond cities. Understanding came only after people studying
smog set up a network of stations that regularly monitored the
atmosphere's turbidity (haziness). In 1967, Robert McCormick and
John Ludwig of the National Center for Air Pollution Control in
Cincinnati reported a gradual increase in the general turbidity
over regions spanning a thousand kilometers. Further checks of
the record of turbidity turned up hints of increases even in remote areas
like Hawaii and the North and South Poles.(21)
Could humanity's emissions be affecting the global climate, not
in some abstract future but right now? |
<=External
input
|
Although these studies were not widely noted at the time, they contributed
to, and at the same time responded to, a broad change of public thinking.
This had started with observations that radioactive fallout and
chemical pesticides could be found far from the places where they
were emitted. The world's oceans and air could no longer be seen
as a virtually infinite dumping-ground. Fewer and fewer people
believed that the atmosphere could safely absorb (as one aerosol
expert acidly put it) "any effluents which mankind might see fit
to disgorge into it."(22)
Through the early 1960s, ideas about human influence on the global climate
had focused on greenhouse effect warming caused by industrial
emissions of carbon dioxide gas (CO2).
At the time the effect seemed no more than a fuzzy speculation.
Adding to the uncertainty, weather experts were just now confirming
that a world-wide cooling trend had been underway for a decade
or so. McCormick and Ludwig suggested that the cooling
trend itself might be due to human activities. |
<=>Public
opinion
<=Modern
temp's |
Reid Bryson, a University of Wisconsin meteorologist, joined
the discussion. In 1962 , while flying across India en route to
a conference, he had been struck by the fact that he could not see
the ground — his view blocked not by clouds but by dust.
Later he saw similar hazes in Brazil and Africa. The murk was
so pervasive that local meteorologists took it for granted and
failed to study it. Bryson realized, however, that the haze was
not some timeless natural feature of the tropics. He was seeing
smoke from fields set on fire by the growing population of slash-and-burn
farmers, and dust from over-grazed lands turning to desert. The
effects of ever more widespread farming and grazing, together
with pollution from industry, seemed large enough to alter the
climate of a region or even the entire planet. At a 1968 "Symposium
on Global Effects of Environmental Pollution" that met in
Dallas, Texas, Bryson impressed his colleagues with a chart that
showed how rising levels of dust in the Caucasus correlated with
the rising output of the Russian economy. He went on to speculate
that a rapid and world-wide rise of atmospheric turbidity would
cause temperatures to fall. Calling for more intense study, Bryson
and a collaborator wrote that they "would be pleased to be proved
wrong. It is too important a problem to entrust to a half-dozen
part-time investigators."(23)
|
|
Concern grew when
studies showed that recent decades had seen a great increase in
the amount of aerosols in the lower atmosphere ("troposphere").
The air over the North Atlantic was twice as dirty in the late
1960s as it had been in the 1910s, suggesting that the natural
processes that washed aerosols out of the atmosphere could not
keep up with human emissions.(24)
As a back-page New York Times item (Oct. 18, 1970) reported, "This is disturbing news for those weather experts
who fear that air pollution, if it continues unchecked, will seriously
affect the climate..." |
=>Public
opinion
= Milestone
|
But how much of
the haze was really caused by humans? In 1969 Murray Mitchell
pushed ahead with his statistical studies of temperatures and
volcanoes. He calculated that about two-thirds of the cooling
that had been progressing in the Northern Hemisphere since 1940 was due to a few recent volcanic
eruptions. He concluded that "man has been playing a very poor
second fiddle to nature as a dust factory."(25)
Other respected climatologists agreed that volcanic dust could
account for a substantial part of the temperature variations in
the last century or so. The most impressive work was done by the
British meteorologist Hubert Lamb, who burrowed through many kinds
of historical records to compile a "Dust Veil Index." His tables
revealed a telling connection between dust and cooler temperatures.
But if the experts now agreed that volcanic explosions could affect
temperature, they disagreed on how strong the effect was.(26*)
|
=>Simple
models
=>World
winter |
One thing scientists were coming to agree on was that the problem
was significant enough to merit a sustained attack. Mitchell for
one, even while denying that human aerosols had done much so far,
thought they could become significant within a few decades. McCormick
and Ludwig told a New York Times reporter (June 9, 1970) that their experiments proved that fine particles could
noticeably reduce the sunlight reaching the surface of the Earth.
Their main message was a call for better monitoring of turbidity.
"What we are trying to do," Ludwig added, "is get scientists'
curiosity and concern aroused." |
|
Warming or Cooling? (Early
1970s) TOP
OF PAGE |
|
A few scientists did have their curiosity
and concern aroused to the point where they pursued a modest number
of studies in the early 1970s. They failed to find solid evidence
for a global increase of turbidity. But the studies did confirm that there were
regional hazes — episodes of pollution spreading a thousand
kilometers or so downwind from industrial centers.(27)
Everyone now admitted that human pollution was growing headlong.
While Mitchell continued to insist that humanity was "an innocent
bystander" in the cooling of the past quarter-century, in 1971
he calculated that our emissions might begin to cause substantial
cooling after the end of the century.(28)
Other scientists claimed that the increase of aerosols was important
already, perhaps even more of a concern than CO2.
But nobody trusted anyone else's calculations, which were in fact
much too crude to give reliable answers. Adding to the uncertainty,
Mitchell gave plausible arguments that aerosols could produce
a warming effect. It depended on how much they
absorbed or reflected radiation coming down from the Sun, and how much they
trapped heat radiation rising up from the Earth's surface. It also depended on the height in the atmosphere where the
aerosols floated, and on whether they floated above bright regions
like deserts (which reflect sunlight) or dark ones like the oceans
(which absorb sunlight).(29*)
|
=>Other
gases
|
S. Ichtiaque Rasool
and Stephen Schneider entered the discussion with a pioneering
numerical computation. (This was the first atmospheric science
paper by Schneider, who would become a well-known commentator
on global warming. As an engineering graduate student, he had
been alerted to environmental issues when he heard a talk by the
biologist Barry Commoner, warning that pollution could trigger
either an ice age or global warming.)(30)
Rasool and Schneider, like Mitchell, recognized that aerosols
might not cool the atmosphere but warm it; the tricky part was
to understand how aerosols absorbed radiation. Their calculation
gave cooling as the most likely result. Estimating that dust in
the global atmosphere might have doubled already during the century,
and might double again in the next fifty years, they figured that
this might cool the planet by as much as 3.5C. |
=>Modern
temp's
=>World
winter
|
That could
be disastrous, especially in view of some simplified calculations
just published by others which suggested that the climate system
could be very sensitive to small changes of temperature. Rasool
and Schneider also believed the greenhouse effect would not counteract
the cooling, since according to their model, adding even a large
amount of CO2 would bring little warming.
The dip caused by aerosols, they exclaimed, "could be sufficient
to trigger an ice age!" In fact their equations and data were
rudimentary, and scientists soon noticed crippling flaws (as did
Schneider himself, see below). But
if the paper was wrong, what did aerosols
in fact do?(31*) |
<=Radiation
math
<=Simple
models
=>Public
opinion
|
Another stimulus to work on aerosols
came from a spacecraft that reached Mars in 1971 and found the
planet enveloped by a great dust storm. The dust had caused the
Martian atmosphere to warm up substantially — an undeniable
demonstration that aerosols could profoundly affect climate.(32*)
New studies confirmed how aerosols could affect a planet's reflectivity,
by scattering and absorbing sunlight and by catching infrared
rays coming up from the surface. Yet the calculations were still
too uncertain to say for sure whether the net result would be
to increase or decrease the reflectivity, whether dust would cool
the Earth or warm it. |
<=Venus
& Mars |
Beyond the direct effects of aerosols
absorbing or scattering radiation, an even tougher puzzle remained: how did particles help create particular types of clouds?
And beyond that loomed the enigmatic question of how a given type
of cloud might affect the temperature. Depending on whether clouds
were thick or thin, and where they floated in the atmosphere,
they might bring some amount of cooling, by reflecting sunlight,
or they might even bring warming, by trapping heat radiation in a sort of greenhouse
effect. The one sure thing was that aerosols could make a difference
to climate, and perhaps a big difference. |
<=Simple
models
|
Bryson felt
more certain than most about the effects of aerosols, and more
worried. His studies of the distant past had convinced him that
the climate had sometimes veered dramatically in the span of a
single century. Could a similar cataclysm befall our civilization?
Weren't the deadly 1973 droughts in Africa and South Asia a sign
that we were destroying our climate with pollution?(33)
In 1974, Bryson noted that humans emitted aerosols mostly in northern
mid-latitudes, just where the recent cooling trend was most evident.
He suggested that the pattern of pollution would change the gradient
of temperature from equator to pole. A change of only a few tenths
of a degree in this gradient, he calculated, could shift the entire
general pattern of atmospheric circulation. That might alter,
for example, the annual monsoon that was crucial for the peoples
of India and the African Sahel. "Our climatic pattern is fragile
rather than robust," he warned.(34)
Bryson was taking his concerns to the public. The entire balance of
climate could be tipped, he said, by aerosols pouring from what
he called "the human volcano." (He meant our emissions of aerosol
particles and chemicals, not CO2. The amount
of the gas coming from volcanoes was negligible, barely as much
in a century as what human industry emitted each year.) |
<=Rapid
change
Reid
Bryson
=>Public
opinion |
To the confusion of onlookers,
an entirely different prediction about cooling was meanwhile emerging
from an entirely different field of science. New data on past
ice ages showed that they followed a remarkably regular schedule.
The warmest part of a cycle typically lasted barely ten thousand
years, so it seemed likely that the Earth was now past the peak
of the current cycle and was scheduled to descend into another
glacial epoch. (Decades later it was learned that the current cycle is atypical and might last considerably longer, but nobody at the time could guess that.) In the natural course of things the temperature
would fall gradually over the next few thousand years. But perhaps human
emissions were getting large enough to interfere with the natural
process. Would greenhouse gases prevent the projected cooling?
Or would pollution accelerate it? |
<=Climate
cycles |
Newspapers and television in the early
1970s were regularly running stories on the appalling droughts
in the Sahel and elsewhere, and the public was starting to worry
about climate change. Would more dust and gases of human origin
afflict us with even more deadly droughts or floods? That depended
critically on the effects of aerosols. The scientists who had
studied this recondite topic began to feel the public eye upon
them, and they debated their technical questions with heightened
intensity. They increasingly saw that it was theoretically possible
for a small change of conditions to bring large changes of climate.
But it would be another three decades before computer models of
climate became good enough to confirm that industrial pollution
had indeed contributed to the Sahel drought.(34a)
Few experts were more than halfway convinced by Bryson’s
argument that the "human volcano" was liable to cause a disastrous
global cooling. |
<=Public
opinion |
The prominent
meteorologist William W. Kellogg, for one, told a 1975 World Meteorological
Organization symposium not to worry. He noted that industrial
aerosols, and also the soot from burning debris where forests
were cleared, absorbed sunlight strongly — after all, smog
and smoke are visibly dark. They would thus retain heat. He calculated
that the chief effect of human aerosols would be regional warming
(but he admitted that the calculation relied on properties
that were poorly known). Anyway, as Kellogg also pointed out,
rains washed aerosols out of the lower atmosphere in a matter
of weeks. Eventually the warming due to the increase in CO2
— a gas that lingered in the atmosphere for centuries
— must necessarily dominate the climate.(35*)
|
=>Solar
variation
=>Public
opinion
|
Similarly, Stephen Schneider and a
collaborator improved his rudimentary model, correcting his earlier
overestimate of cooling (see above)
by checking against the effects of dust from volcanoes. They got
a decent match to temperatures over the past thousand years, after
they added an estimate for changes of solar intensity. The model
now predicted that "CO2 warming dominates
the surface temperature patterns soon after 1980."(36)
Only a few people pointed out that pollution
might cancel out some of the greenhouse warming, delaying the
time when it would become obvious.(37)
|
|
Bryson and his co-workers continued to
insist that smoke from burning fossil fuels and forest clearing
had a powerful cooling effect. After all, the haze visibly dimmed
the solar radiation that reaches the surface. They expected pollution
would more than balance the effects of increased CO2,
since the more fuel humanity burned, the more aerosols were emitted
along with the gas. Taking everything into account, they calculated
that "an expected slight decrease in surface temperature" was
already underway.(38)
Bryson would not concede that his group's observations, analysis
of data, and theoretical understanding were too uncertain to produce
a definitive answer. The real value of this work was not in the
purported findings, but in the way it forced scientists to pay
attention to a topic that was indeed highly important. |
|
Most of the studies were not even addressing all the key problems.
Ideas about human emissions focused on an image of dark smog and
smoke obscuring the sky. Some scientists pointed out, however,
that such direct effects of particles interfering with radiation
could be outweighed by indirect effects. They emphasized new observations
that nuclei for the condensation of water droplets into rain or
snow were sparse under natural conditions. Thus "the most sensitive"
leverage point for pollution particles might be their role as
cloud condensation nuclei. "Although the changes are small," one scientist remarked,
"the long-term effect on climate can be profound." Conceivably
the clouds would reflect away so much sunlight that the whole climate system
would flip into a new ice age.(39)
An important 1975 review panel concluded that the impact of particles
on global temperatures "cannot be reliably determined," for it
depended on many factors that were scarcely known. Warning that
the particle load in the atmosphere might rise another 60% by
the end of the century, they called (in the usual fashion of study
groups) for further study.(40)
|
|
So it continued,
as some scientists concluded that aerosols would cause warming,
others expected cooling, still others expected no significant
global effect, and canny observers understood that none of them could calculate a reliable result.. One widely noted example was a survey of dusty
days in Arizona by Sherwood Idso and Anthony Brazel, who concluded
that additional aerosols from human activity would warm the Earth.
They urged people to abandon any thought that industrial pollution
would serve as a brake on CO2 greenhouse
warming. Critics promptly tried to poke holes in the study's limited
data.(41) Another group
analyzed global weather statistics, found that the recent drop
in temperatures was restricted to northern latitudes, and argued
that this demonstrated a cooling effect of industrial particle
emissions, which were far greater in the Northern Hemisphere.
This approach too was quickly criticized, for lack of enough data
on Southern Hemisphere temperatures.(42)
Many other studies invoked physical models, data, and the history
of volcanic eruptions and the ice ages as they debated the relation
of particle size to albedo (reflectivity), clouds, and temperature. Like most
aspects of climate studies, only even more so, progress on aerosol
impacts would require help from many different fields.(43)
|
<=Modern
temp's
=>World
winter
|
In 1977 some light was cast into the shadows by Sean Twomey
at the University of Arizona's Institute of Atmospheric Physics.
(The name of the institute hints how scientists were regrouping
to attack complex questions involving the environment.) Twomey
showed that reflection of sunlight from clouds depends on the
number of nuclei in a curiously intricate way. Adding particles
would normally create more water droplets, and thus thicker light-reflecting
clouds. Past some point, however, the drops might fall as rain
and the clouds would disappear altogether. On the other hand,
if there were a great many nuclei the water could end up not as
raindrops but as myriads of tiny droplets — a long-lasting
mist. And as Twomey also showed, the amount of reflection and
absorption depended strongly on the average size of the droplets
(with smaller mist droplets there is more surface area for a given
amount of water). |
|
In short, adding more aerosol particles might either raise
or lower cloud reflectivity, depending on quite a variety of factors.
Overall, for thin clouds Twomey calculated that added pollution
would increase the reflectivity (and thus cool the climate), whereas
for thick clouds absorption would dominate (hence warming). He
concluded that since thin clouds are most common, the net effect
of human pollution should be to cool the Earth.(44)
|
|
This did not close the debates. As another pioneer recalled,
"Twomey's insights were largely ignored by the climate modeling
community — perhaps because it seemed unlikely that such
a simple analysis could capture the behavior of such a complex
object as a cloud."(45)
Besides, to figure out the effects on the world's climate, in
principle you would need to start with a map of the globe showing
for each region the amount of every type of smoke and dust particle
and industrial pollutant in each layer of the atmosphere. Next
you would have to calculate the direct interaction of each type
of particle or chemical molecule with sunlight, and also calculate
the effects of each type in forming various types of clouds, and
finally calculate how each kind of cloud interacted with visible
and infrared sunlight. Little was known about any of this. |
|
The debates made one thing clear: climate change could not
be properly understood without a better grasp of aerosol effects.
When scientists made theoretical calculations of scattering,
the results were often at odds with field and laboratory measurements.
It was not clear whether the theories or the measurements were
wrong — if not both. Much more work would have to be done to get even the most
basic data, such as how the various kinds of particles of various
sizes scattered or absorbed light of various wavelengths. Several
groups undertook these measurements in the 1970s, using instruments
that, like so much in aerosol science and the rest of geophysics,
could be traced back to a military application.(46)
|
|
All this was only the most simple, basic-physics
aspect of aerosols. Studies increasingly confirmed that there
were more complex ways that particles would surely affect the
climate. A surprising example showed up in the 1974 international
GATE experiment, in which scores of research ships and aircraft
crisscrossed the tropical Atlantic. They found that when winds
blew dust from the Sahara desert over the ocean, significant changes
in weather and the radiation balance could be seen all the way
to the American coast.(47) |
<=International
|
The best clues of
all came from observing how volcanic eruptions acted on climate.
Historical research covering the past two centuries was confirming
a distinct, if weak, pattern of global cooling in the few years
following each major eruption.(48)
Better still, dust from volcanoes and other sources was found
in layers of ancient ice, drilled from the frozen plateaus of
Greenland and Antarctica. The dust in the ice cores correlated
with Lamb's volcanic "Dust Veil Index" and extended much farther
back. Temperatures too could be read from the layers of ice, and
analysis showed that through the past hundred millennia, dustier
air had correlated with cooler polar regions.To be sure, that
might only mean that cooler periods were windier, bringing dust
from afar. But it seemed likely that volcanoes did have a direct
impact on climate. (Later, more comprehensive studies tended to
confirm that. For example, a dearth of major eruptions over several
centuries may have helped cause a "Medieval Warm Period" that
affected large parts of the planet — notably the North Atlantic
region, when the Vikings benefitted from a benign climate to establish
a colony in Greenland — although changes in solar activity
were probably at least as important.)(49)
|
<=Climate
cycles
<=Solar variation
|
None of this supported the claims that we risked hurling ourselves into a new ice age—claims more common in excited news articles than in the scientific literature. Few scientific papers were published in the early 1970s on any topic related to climate
change on a human time-scale, that is, faster than the thousands
of years that most scientists thought glacial ages took to evolve.
Only a small fraction of these few papers projected cooling within
a century or two. During the second half of the 1970s the pace
picked up as scientists published several dozen papers about century-scale
global climate change. Some of these papers discussed cooling
and warming factors without coming to a conclusion, but more than
half projected that greenhouse warming would dominate. A
study of the peer-reviewed articles of the period found that
"global cooling was never more than a minor aspect of the
scientific climate change literature of the era."(38a) (As described below, scientists in the
1990s with far better data and computer models concluded that
industrial haze along with volcanoes had indeed helped to depress Northern Hemisphere
temperatures for a few decades in the mid 20th century, while warming
from the accumulated greenhouse gases began to dominate in
the 1980s.)
|
<=>Public
opinion
=>Rapid
change
=>CO2
greenhouse |
By the late 1970s hardly any scientist was arguing that cooling was likely to become severe. The major industrial nations had put "clean air" laws in place. Given that particles were washed out of the lower atmosphere in weeks, pollution was not going to double and redouble as some had feared. Moreover, improved computer models of climate had convinced many that CO2 added to the atmosphere must bring a global warming. The effect would be increasing rapidly along with the relentless rise of CO2, which humanity was emitting far more rapidly than anything could remove it from the atmosphere. |
<=Models (GCMs) |
Sulfates, Soot and Clouds
(mid 1970s-1980s) TOP
OF PAGE |
sulphate |
As scientists calculated the physics of aerosols more accurately,
they realized they could not figure out any way that smoke and
dust particles from a volcanic eruption could cause long-term effects on temperature; they should drift to the ground or be rained down in a few weeks. Then how did volcanoes affect climate for a year or even two? The answer was hidden in something else
thrown into the air. |
|
When thinking about aerosols, the public and most scientists
had attended chiefly to the visible and obvious. That meant the
fine carbon soot making up smoke from factories, slash-and-burn
forest clearing, and natural forest fires; mineral dust from
dried-out soil (perhaps increased by human agriculture); and other
solids such as salt crystals from ocean foam. When scientists
thought about climate change that volcanic eruptions might cause,
they chiefly considered the minute glassy dust particles that
snowed down thousands of miles downwind from an eruption.(50)
Well into the 1970s, meteorologists concerned with aerosols mostly
continued to assume they were dealing with such coarse mineral
particles. However, anyone looking at city smog — or smelling
it — might guess that chemicals could be a main component
of a haze. The intense studies of urban smog that began in the
1950s focused the attention of a few scientists on the production
and evolution of simple chemicals. |
|
One of the most important of these molecules was sulfur dioxide,
SO2. Emitted profusely by volcanoes as
well as by industries burning fossil fuels, SO2
rises in the atmosphere and combines with water vapor to form
minuscule droplets and crystals of sulfuric acid and other sulfates.
The particles
reflect some of the radiation coming from the Sun and absorb some
of the heat radiation rising from the Earth's surface. |
|
To the considerable surprise of atmospheric
scientists, studies in the early 1960s suggested that sulfuric acid
and other sulfate particles were the most significant stratospheric
aerosols. This was something that could linger high in the air for years, like the fine fallout particles injected by nuclear weapon tests. The sulfate haze was in fact especially thick for a few years
following a huge volcanic eruption in 1963, when Mount Agung in
Indonesia blasted some three million tons of sulfur into the stratosphere.
That was an order of magnitude more sulfur than human industry
produced in a year, and most specialists thought human emissions
of sulfates must be comparatively unimportant.(51)
Flights in the stratosphere in the early 1970s (part of a huge
government effort to study whether airplanes might harm the ozone
layer) conclusively confirmed that the principal aerosol there
was droplets of sulfuric acid, presumably from volcanoes.(52)
|
<=Government
|
Outside the smoggy cities, haze was commonly assumed to be
a "natural background" from soil particles and the like, with
occasional extra material from volcanoes. That was challenged
in 1976 by two leading experts, Bert Bolin and Robert Charlson.
Analyzing air purity data collected by government agencies, they
showed that sulfate aerosols from industrial centers seriously affected wide regions downwind.
Sulfates dimmed the sunlight not only in cities but
across much of the eastern United States and western Europe. This
confirmed what McCormick and Ludwig had reported a decade earlier,
a widespread haze somehow connected with urban smog.(53)
|
|
Bolin and Charlson drove their point
home with some calculations. Although they repeatedly admitted
that the data were fragmentary, and the theory so oversimplified
that they could be off by a factor of ten, their results strongly
indicated that sulfates were a significant factor in the atmosphere.
Indeed among all the aerosols arising from human activity, sulfates
played the biggest role for climate. The old view of aerosols
as simply a dust of mineral particles had to be abandoned. In
fact the haze was a mixture of the dust with tinier chemical droplets.
|
=>International
|
Still, the effect seemed minor. Bolin and Charlson figured
that human sulfate emissions noticeably affected scarcely one
percent of the Earth’s surface. The sulfates were cooling
the Northern Hemisphere by scarcely one-tenth of a degree. Most
scientists thought that was negligible (even if the calculations
were accurate, which seemed unlikely). They continued to assume
that the problem of human aerosols was strictly local, or at worst
regional. Bolin and Charlson themselves, however, noted that sulfate emissions
were climbing steeply. They warned that "we are already approaching
the time when the magnitude of the indirect effects of increasing
use of fossil fuel may be comparable to the natural changes of
the climate over decades and centuries."(54)
|
|
Sulfates were a new worry for the scientists
who were concerned about future climates. That included in particular
the Russian expert Mikhail Budyko. In 1974, he suggested that
if global warming became a problem, we could cool down the planet
by burning sulfur in the stratosphere, which would create a haze
"much like that which arises from volcanic eruptions." He calculated
that just a few airplane flights a day would suffice.(55)
That kind of freewheeling speculation was about all one could
do at this point in thinking about sulfates. |
=>Climate mod |
The question attracted few workers, if only because the prospects
were poor for solid, publishable studies. For one thing, the amount
and type of aerosols (unlike CO2) varied
greatly from region to region. For another, their net effect on
the radiation balance depended on the angle of sunlight (the low-angle
illumination of Arctic zones doesn't interact with clouds in the
same way as the plunging rays of the tropics). And so forth. The
only thing likely to get anywhere would be a full-scale computer
attack. |
|
In the mid 1970s, when some groups managed
at last to develop computer models that plausibly connected climate
to the level of greenhouse gases, a few groups tried to apply these
models to study the effects of aerosols. First they needed reasonably accurate information
on the spectrum of aerosols normally in the atmosphere —
the sulfuric acid droplets, salt crystals, rock dust, soot, and
so forth. What were the sizes of the particles, their chemical
composition, and their effects on radiation at various heights
in the atmosphere? There were far fewer observations than the
scientists needed, but some approximate numbers were laboriously
worked out in a form usable for modeling studies.(56)
The scientists also had to give up their preoccupation with the
smog-ridden lower atmosphere, considering also the clear stratosphere.
A few extra particles there, lingering for months, could make
a big difference to the passing radiation. Despite daunting theoretical
complexities and ignorance of many aerosol properties, the enterprise
made progress. Different groups of modelers, using different techniques,
converged on some tentative ideas. |
|
The first big idea was confirmation that the formation
of clouds was not already saturated by natural aerosols.
Thus adding some particles to the atmosphere should noticeably
affect climate. The second big idea was that the net effect of
adding aerosols, an effect which could now be reliably calculated,
was to increase the planet’s reflectivity and thus bring
modest cooling.(57) |
<=>Models
(GCMs) |
Especially impressive was work published
in 1978 by a NASA group under James Hansen, studying how climate
had changed after the 1963 Mount Agung eruption. They found that
the changes calculated by their simple model corresponded in all
essential respects — including timing and approximate magnitude
— to the observed global temperature changes. Hansen undertook
the study mainly to check that his climate modeling was on the
right track. But the results also showed that "contrary to some
recent opinions," volcanic aerosols could significantly cool the
surface.(58) |
<=>Simple
models
|
Another sign that sulfates mattered came
literally from another planet — Venus. The hellish greenhouse
effect that astronomers observed there could not be caused by
CO2 alone, and during the 1970s, sulfuric
acid was identified as a main force in the planet's atmosphere.(59)
Another telling sign came from a 1980 study of Greenland ice cores.
The level of sulfuric acid in the layers of ice pointed directly
to ancient volcanic eruptions. Where clusters of giant eruptions
were found, there had been episodes of cooling ("which further
complicates climatic predictions," the authors remarked).(60)
|
<=Venus
& Mars |
The feeling
that scientists were getting a handle on aerosols was strengthened
in 1981 when Hansen's group fed their computer model a record
of modern volcanic eruptions. They combined the temporary cooling
effect of volcanoes with estimates of changes due to solar variations
and, especially, to the rising level of CO2.
The net result fitted pretty well with the actual 20th-century
temperature curve, adding credibility to their model's prediction
of future global warming.(61)
(This result was robust: vastly more sophisticated computer models
at the end of the 20th century continued to get a good match to
modern temperature fluctuations if, and only if, they added together
eruptions, solar activity, and the rise of greenhouse gases. Adding
industrial aerosol pollution would further improve the match.)(62)
|
<=>Radiation
math =>Modern
temp's <=Solar
variation =>Public
opinion = Milestone
=>Models
(GCMs) |
The cooling effect of sulfates was confirmed by computer studies
that took advantage of a colossal explosion of the Mexican volcano
El Chichón in 1982. From this event scientists learned more about
the effects of volcanic aerosols, one of them declared, "than
from all previous eruptions combined." Satellite observations
of clouds that were affected by the eight million tons of sulfur
aerosols blown into the upper air could be matched with a noticeable
cooling of regions beneath the clouds.(63)
Alongside the progress in dealing with volcanoes came increasing
evidence that the natural background of aerosols always present
in the atmosphere also tended to cause mild cooling. The first
calculation that many experts accepted as reasonably accurate
gave a year-in, year-out global cooling effect of 2-3°C (roughly
4-5°F).(64) |
|
These calculations, however, dealt only with the effects of
aerosols directly on radiation. They included cloud cover (if
they calculated it at all) as a simple consequence of the moisture
in the atmosphere. But since the 1960s, a few scientists had pointed
out that the direct effects of aerosols might be less important
than their indirect effects on clouds. This was the kind of thing
Walter Orr Roberts had talked about, when he had pointed to cirrus
clouds evolving from jet contrails. These clouds had seemed a
temporary, local phenomenon. Now some wondered whether human emissions,
by adding nuclei for water droplets, might be causing more cloudiness
world-wide? |
|
These speculations had been reinvigorated in 1979, when a pair
of scientists at the University of Utah had managed to insert
aerosols and cloudiness in a reasonable way into a basic radiation-balance
computer model. The researchers confessed that their calculation
was massively uncertain. But if the worst case was correct, then
increased cirrus clouds could lower the Earth's surface temperature
several degrees. It was another case of scientists warning that
we might "initiate a return to ice age conditions."(65)
Other scientists, in particular Hansen's group, doubted that aerosols
could be so powerful. While admitting that nobody knew how to
model cloud feedbacks reliably, they concluded that aerosols from
human activity and even from volcanoes could not produce enough
cooling to halt the "inevitable" warming by greenhouse
gases.(66) |
|
Progress would depend upon more accurate knowledge of the intricate
chemistry of the atmosphere. In the 1980s, aerosol physicists
and atmospheric chemists finally established close contacts. It
was becoming clear that the most important aerosols humanity produced
were not dust and smoke particles, but products of chemical reactions
of the gases we emitted, an almost unknown topic. As usual,
recognition of an important area of ignorance drove rapid improvements
in measuring instruments and also in theory (which by now was
done mostly through computer models). |
|
One important finding in the early 1980s
was that human chemical emissions tended to turn into sulfate
particles whose sizes fell exactly within the range most effective
for scattering sunlight. Thanks to research on atmospheric quality
sponsored by environmental protection agencies, scientists increasingly
agreed that regional sulfate hazes were a serious issue. Since
the mid 1970s, studies had proved that such hazes could significantly
dim sunlight for thousands of kilometers downwind from the factories.
But the effect on the rest of the planet's climate, if any, remained
debatable.(67) |
=>Other
gases
|
The need to resolve the problem was driven home by undeniable
evidence that dimming of sunlight by aerosols was increasing
all across the Northern Hemisphere. One estimate, which few believed, put the reduction as high as 18% per decade.(68)
A 1980 study claimed that stratospheric aerosols were increasing by about 9% each year. Even in the Arctic, where the immense empty landscapes promised
only pristine air, scientists were startled to find a visible
haze of pollutants drifting up from industrial regions. There
was so much soot that some speculated it might alter the northern climate.(69*)
|
|
(I have seen it myself. Backpacking in the Sierra Nevada and the Canyonlands, decades
after my first visits to these magnificent places, the views of distant cliffs and of the stars are never
as sparkling clear as I was once used to seeing.) |
|
New Complexities
TOP
OF PAGE |
|
Talk of cooling from aerosols took a spectacular turn
in 1983. A group of scientists, most of whom had already
been studying aerosols, went public with warnings of an unexpected danger. If the blasts of a nuclear war injected smoke and
dust into the atmosphere, a lethal "nuclear winter" might envelop
the planet. The Russian meteorologist Kirill Kondratyev went on
to point a finger at the nitrates (NOx) that weapons tests had already been put into the atmosphere. These had produced aerosols
which, he surmised, might have been responsible for the decreased
transparency of the atmosphere, and thus the cooling, observed
during the 1960s.(70)
Only think how much cooling might follow a thousand nuclear explosions! Launching a nuclear strike would be literally suicidal, even if the other side never struck back. Other scientists disagreed, setting off a vehement public debate. |
|
An even more horrendous effect of aerosols
had been proposed back in 1980 by Walter and Luis Alvarez: the
extinction of the dinosaurs when a giant meteor struck the Earth 65
million years ago. Calculations showed that dust from an asteroid
impact could have fatally cooled the planet.(71)
All this was sharply contested by other scientists. The leading
alternative that they developed to explain the doom of the dinosaurs
was a series of gargantuan volcanic eruptions. That just showed
another way that aerosols could change climate on an apocalyptic
scale.(72) |
<=World
winter
|
The "nuclear winter" and dinosaur extinction
controversies contributed almost nothing to scientific study of
ordinary climate change. But they encouraged a planetary-scale
viewpoint, and sharpened awareness of the mortal fragility of
the Earth's climate. Especially aroused was the aerosol community,
or rather the scattering of researchers in diverse specialties
who were gradually coalescing into a community. The furious controversies
encouraged them to communicate with one another, and with meteorologists
and other climate scientists. |
=>Public
opinion
|
Turning back to the way routine pollution might affect climate,
scientists were slowly hacking a way through the jungle of complexities.
A few meteorologists gradually worked out the implications of
Twomey's studies, noticing how increasing emission of aerosols could create lingering
misty clouds that might reflect enough sunlight to offset the warming expected from greenhouse gases.(73*)
It was hard to know whether nature really acted according to these
difficult calculations, and most experts paid little heed. After
all, even massive direct cloud seeding had never been proven capable
of doing much, despite decades of experiments. As Twomey admitted
in 1980, "clear field verification has not been obtained" for
various key predictions.(74)
|
|
Finally in 1987 a dramatic visible demonstration convinced many
scientists that the theory deserved respect. Satellite pictures
of the oceans displayed persistent clouds reflecting sunlight
above shipping lanes — a manifest response to ship-stack
exhaust. Aerosols could indeed create clouds, enough to outweigh the particles' direct interactions with radiation. (Later studies showed there were inconsistencies, as usual with aerosols; in some cases emissions from ships made for more cloudiness, in some cases less. But even where there were no ship tracks at all, it turned out that the ships' exhaust affected the water content of the air in a way that brought cooling. Studies of shipping lanes would become an important tool for quantifying aerosol effects.)(75)
It was also becoming clear that humans were the dominant source
of the atmosphere's sulfate aerosols.(76)
Nevertheless, many scientists continued to think of aerosols as
"local" pollution and worried little about global implications.
|
|
The closer
scientists thought they were getting to definite answers, the more they noticed additional
factors that they ought to figure in. For example, studies of
the surprising dwindling of ozone over Antarctica (the "ozone
hole") revealed in 1985 that crucial reactions took place
on the surface of ice crystals floating high in the atmosphere. Scientists had dismissed surface
reactions on particles as unlikely to make much difference for
the chemical structure of the upper atmosphere. Now they saw the
reactions were yet another set of complex problems that they would
have to investigate. Even more troublesome was the fact that any
climate change would alter the natural background emission of
aerosols. For example, if deserts expanded (whether from direct
human activity or climate change) there would be more airborne
dust. Meanwhile pollution studies showed that altering the amount
of one type of aerosol in the air would start a chain of reactions that would alter the distribution
of sizes and other key characteristics of other aerosols. And
these subtle calculations themselves, one author warned, "do not
do justice to the complexities of the real atmosphere."(77)
|
<=>Other
gases |
On top of all that, there could be biological feedbacks. The
most intriguing suggestion was that the nuclei for condensation
of clouds in the pure air over the oceans might come primarily
from dimethylsulfide (DMS) molecules, whose chief source was living
plankton.It was
another feedback dependent on temperature which might stabilize
the climate — or might not. It would take decades of research to show, and even then only tentatively, that the effect was too small to make much difference.(78) |
<=Biosphere
|
Even if researchers set aside such issues, and even if they could
resolve all the problems of cloud formation, they would still
be far from knowing precisely how aerosols might affect climate.
Few studies had even taken into account the fact that human activity
emitted far more aerosols in some places than in others, so that
the commonly used global averages could hardly represent the real
situation. In some regions there would be too many particles to
make normal clouds, in other regions too few. The properties of
the aerosols themselves would be different in humid and dry regions.
Yet climate scientists mostly continued to treat aerosols as a
globally uniform background, mainly of natural origin. Atmospheric
chemistry, observations of regional haze, and climate models were
still such different fields that it was hard for any one person
to assemble a coherent story.(79)
|
|
Calculating Aerosol Effects (1990s- ) TOP
OF PAGE |
|
By 1990, scientists understood that human
activity produced somewhere between a quarter and a half of all
the aerosol particles in the lower atmosphere, including industrial
soot and sulfates, smoke from debris burned when forests were
cleared, and dust from semi-arid lands turned to agriculture or
over-grazed. The consequences, if any, were entirely uncertain
— "at this stage neither the sign nor magnitude of the proposed
climatic feedback can be quantitatively estimated."(80)
Interest remained focused on greenhouse gases, which were expected
to dominate climate change sooner or later. |
=>Models
(GCMs)
|
Some scientists, however, did realize they had to take into account what the recent
increase in aerosols meant for climate. Hansen called for better
monitoring and more studies.(81)
Experts increasingly admitted that global climate change was not
a matter of CO2 alone. It came from a variety
of effects ("forcings") on incoming and outgoing radiation due
to a variety of gases and aerosols. A leader in the work remarked
that it was this shift of viewpoint — looking at changes
in the energy balance rather than attempting to calculate surface
temperature changes — that made meaningful global calculations
possible. He added that the calculations "would not have been
possible without an enormous amount of work measuring the actual
properties of atmospheric aerosols."(82)
Workers in the various fields that dealt with aerosols increasingly
exchanged information and ground out observations and computations.
Dramatic advances in laboratory instrumentation made it possible
to measure microscopic particles one by one, providing context
for a new wealth of sophisticated satellite observations. Specialists
began to pin down the most important characteristics of aerosol
particles, from the regions where different kinds were emitted
to the ways they interacted chemically. |
<=Other
gases
|
In the early 1990s, Charlson and others worked to persuade
aerosol experts that sulfates could cause significant cooling,
simply by scattering back incoming solar radiation. The effects
of sulfate particles through stimulating cloudiness were harder
to estimate, but appeared to add still more cooling. In a pioneering
1991 calculation, Charlson and his allies concluded that the scattering
of radiation by humanity’s sulfate emissions was roughly
counterbalancing the CO2 greenhouse warming
in the Northern Hemisphere — the two were comparable in magnitude but of opposite sign. In retrospect, this was the key paper
for establishing the net effect of aerosols on the planet's heat
balance. The calculation, however, was admittedly full of uncertainties.(83)
|
|
In 1991
Mount Pinatubo in the Philippines exploded. A mushroom cloud the
size of Iowa burst into the stratosphere, where it deposited some
20 million tons of SO2, more than any other
20th-century eruption. Hansen's group saw an opportunity in this
"natural experiment." It could provide a strict test of computer
models. From their calculations they boldly predicted roughly
half a degree of average global cooling, concentrated in the higher
northern latitudes and lasting a couple of years.(84)
Exactly such a temporary cooling was in fact observed. |
<=>Modern
temp's
= Milestone
<=>Models
(GCMs)
<=Arakawa's
math |
Human pollution of the atmosphere should do the same, for although
black soot particles absorbed radiation and would bring some warming,
the cooling from cloud formation and sulfates seemed likely to
outweigh that. Most scientists now agreed that aerosols emitted
by the "human volcano" had indeed acted like an ongoing Pinatubo
eruption, offsetting some of the greenhouse warming.
Papers published in 1992 concluded that the smoke from slash-and-burn
farming of tropical forests might have been enough all by itself
to cancel a large share of the expected warming. Other scientists
reported that the direct effect of sulfates blocking sunlight
"completely offsets the greenhouse effect" in the most industrialized
regions. Yet another team estimated that the indirect action of
sulfates, making clouds darker, could have a still stronger cooling
effect.(85*) As one expert
remarked, "the fact that aerosols have been ignored means that
projections may well be grossly in error."(86)
Thus efforts to restrict sulfate emissions, however important
that might be for reducing acid rain and other unhealthy pollution,
might hasten global warming. |
|
Computer modelers returned
to their simulations of global temperature, and found they could
get curves that matched the observations since the 1860s quite
closely provided they included increases in sulfate aerosols as
well as CO2. The key paper, constructed
at the Hadley Centre for Climate Prediction and Research in the
United Kingdom, took a model that coupled the atmosphere and oceans
and ran it through the centuries as the CO2 level rose, once without aerosols and once
with them. The latter was clearly a better match to the actual historical record. Published in
1995, the result made a strong impression on scientists.(87)
|
|
Because aerosol pollution was greater in some regions than others,
whereas CO2 levels were about the same
everywhere, modelers tried using that to disentangle the two influences.(88)
To be sure, there was a risk that with aerosol effects poorly
understood, the modelers might merely be adjusting their numbers
until they reproduced the climate data, overlooking other possible
factors. But the new results incorporating aerosols did give,
for the first time ever, a plausible and consistent accounting
of the main features of 20th-century climate. In particular, it
was now confirmed that industrial pollution had been a strong factor in the mid-century dip of
Northern Hemisphere temperatures. As Bryson
had speculated back in the 1970s, the effects of aerosol emissions
from human industry were comparable to the effects of a large
volcanic eruption. These results played a major role in a 1995 announcement
by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) that human
influence on climate had become "discernible." Scientists might have been convinced of global warming a decade earlier if they had been quicker to grasp the cooling effect of aerosols. |
<=>Models
(GCMs)
|
The reprieve from
warming would be temporary. As CO2 and other greenhouse gases inexorably accumulated in the atmosphere, they were overtaking the effects of aerosol pollution — which was no longer climbing. The IPCC's next report, issued in 2001, pointed
out how industrialized nations were taking steps to reduce pollution, as people slowly realized that restricting emissions from burning fossil fuels could save countless lives. Considering various
possibilities, the panel reported a high upper limit for where
greenhouse warming might go during the 21st century: if the use of fossil fuels
continued to expand at a breakneck pace while pollution controls
restricted aerosols, global temperaturea
might shoot up nearly 6°C.(89)
|
=>International
<=>Models
(GCMs) |
A minority of experts dissented from the panel's confidence
that the improved computer models gave solid information. The
critics warned that "given the present uncertainties in aerosol
forcing, such improvement may only be fortuitous."(90)
To clear up the uncertainties, scientists needed better information
not only on how aerosols interacted with weather, but also on
just what kinds of aerosols human activity stirred up and just
where the winds blew them.(91)
None of that was measured well enough. |
|
Persistent Uncertainties (2000- ) TOP
OF PAGE |
|
The old discussion
of whether pollution brought warming or cooling was still yielding
surprises. In particular, evidence turned up that much more soot
("black carbon") was puffing into the air than had been suspected.
For example, a team under Veerabhadran Ramanathan deploying ships, aircraft
and balloons in the Indian Ocean in 1999 detected a huge drifting
"brown cloud." It was a miasma caused by human activity, expanded
from the haze that Bryson had noticed while flying over India
a third of a century earlier. (Later called the "Asian brown cloud" extending to Indonesia and China, the haze included diesel exhaust and smoke from stoves burning cow dung or charcoal as well as smoke from factories and fires to clear farmland.) Hansen now drew attention to the
warming potential of such pollutants. To be sure, the dark smokes shaded
the surface and thus made for cooling. But higher in the atmosphere
the soot absorbed radiation so thoroughly, according to his group's
new calculations, that on balance it added strongly to global warming.(92*) |
= Milestone
|
Cutting this sort of pollution could not only reduce damage to
local and global climates, but also prevent hundreds of thousands
of premature deaths from respiratory illnesses. Some scientists
argued that before going all out to restrain greenhouse gases,
the world should attack the rightly despised smokes, the most
ancient form of technological pollution.(93)
|
|
Later, beginning around 2002, climatologists were surprised
by evidence that hazes were having an even bigger effect than
they had supposed. As far back as 1989, Atsumu Ohmura in Switzerland
had published evidence that sunlight had been growing dimmer globally throughout
the 20th century. Like the other indications of widespread turbidity noted above, Ohmura’s work had attracted little
attention, even though some computer modellers had begun to worry
that their models did not seem to include enough aerosol absorption.
Now evidence turned up by other scientists convinced many experts
that the Northern Hemisphere, at least, had seen a dimming of
10 percent or more — much more than most experts had thought,
indeed probably great enough to affect agriculture. Aerosol pollution
was the only plausible cause. "There could be a big gorilla sitting
on the dining table, and we didn't know about it," Ramanathan
admitted in 2004. |
|
Many aerosol specialists now suspected
that they had badly underestimated how strongly greenhouse
warming had been held back by the cooling effect of aerosols.
That had given the world "a false sense of security"
about global warming, the respected atmospheric scientist Paul
Crutzen warned in 2003. For the "global dimming" trend
was not really global but regional, and since the 1980s it had
flattened out or even reversed in some regions. Nobody could be
sure why, but a likely cause was the pollution controls that many
industrialized nations were imposing to reduce
sulfates. Europe, which had the strictest controls, was the main
region where the sunlight was now significantly brighter. Dimming
was still getting stronger over China and other developing nations,
but these nations were laying plans to clean up their air. Experts began to worry that eventually this would bring a "global
brightening," so that temperatures would rise faster than
the standard greenhouse warming calculations predicted. Meanwhile some studies proposed that changes in cloudiness were partly responsible for how much sunlight was reaching the surface. Whatever
was happening, it was more obvious than ever that the world urgently
needed better measurements of aerosols, and better models for
how they blocked sunlight.(93a*) |
= Milestone
|
Large uncertainties also remained in figuring how aerosols
interacted with gases, and above all with water vapor, to increase reflectivity (the main
"indirect effect”"or "Twomey effect"). Questions were raised
once again by detailed observations that confirmed the speculation
that had first started scientists worrying back in the 1960s —
cirrus clouds grew from jet contrails. Indeed the clouds measurably influenced
the climate in regions beneath heavily traveled air routes.(94*)
Experts published widely divergent models for the formation of
such clouds and their absorption of radiation. Controversial measurements
published in 1995 claimed that clouds absorbed much more radiation
than the conventional estimates said, raising a specter of "missing
physics." As one researcher complained, "The complexity of this
problem seems to grow with each new study." It was reasonable
to expect that improvements in theoretical models and measuring
techniques would eventually lead to a reconciliation (indeed within
the next decade theory and observations would largely converge). |
|
But there remained so many difficulties that Ramanathan remarked, "If I wake up with a nightmare, it is the indirect aerosol effect." The uncertainties raised serious doubts about the value of computer models, for most of them did not even try to calculate the indirect effect. Rather, modelers tended to use the effects of aerosols on clouds as a free parameter. They would adjust the numbers until their model fit other data such as the climate record of the past century. That was a shaky foundation. And the indirect effect was only one
of several areas where new studies kept showing that, as Ramanathan
and a colleague remarked, people were still "in the early stages
of understanding the effects" of aerosols.(95*) |
|
This persistent
ignorance about aerosols — their direct and indirect effects on radiation and cloudiness,
and even their concentrations — was the largest single obstacle
to attempts to predict future climate, especially if you tried to drill down to predictions for a given
region. Funding agencies accordingly pushed vigorous and costly
efforts to measure aerosol effects, and significant results accumulated
in the early 21st century. In particular, the question Roberts had posed back in 1963 was answered—airplane contrails did trap significant heat. Indeed contrails were doing more to warm the planet than the greenhouse gases the airplanes emitted. |
<= Other
gases
|
Airplane flights were easy to count, but it was hard to know just what kinds of stuff was actually getting into the air in different regions around the globe. From the 1990s onward expeditions were mounted to measure both aerosols and clouds in far-flung regions. (A satellite named GLORY was built to monitor aerosols globally, but in Meanwhile different computer models still
gave substantially different results. If some issues were
settled, new puzzles appeared in theoretical papers or field studies
to provoke new controversies and worries. |
=>Models
(GCMs)
|
For example, in 2008 Ramanathan's group
showed that black carbon aerosols had a much stronger warming
effect than earlier calculations had estimated. Among other things,
the calculations had not accounted for the combined effects of
black carbon interacting with sulfate aerosols. A massive study published in 2013 went even further, asserting that in promoting global warming, black carbon was slightly ahead of methane gas, second only to CO2. Policies to reduce these sooty emissions, everywhere from European diesel automobiles to East Asian cooking fires, would greatly benefit public health along with delaying global warming. On the other hand, some sources of soot, like burning off farm stubble, also produced aerosols that reflected sunlight and cooled the planet. Estimates of the influence of black carbon were controversial and researchers continued to struggle with the complexities of clouds and smog. In any case black carbon fell out of the atmosphere in a week or so, whereas greenhouse gases would linger for centuries(96*) |
=>Models
(GCMs)
|
What if there remained other significant factors
that had been overlooked, for example in estimates of the influence
of sulfate aerosols? A few experts had been worrying for years
that sulfates might have been more effective in holding back warming
than computer modelers had figured. The rise of global pollution over the past century might have masked how sensitive the climate was to the rise of greenhouse gases. As nations continued
to reduce their sulfate emissions, global temperatures might leap
upward. |
|
On the other hand, if the historical aerosol effects had been overestimated, then future temperatures might rise less than expected. In the 2010s different lines of evidence, such as observations from a "natural experiment" of sulfate emissions from an eruption in Iceland, showed that the effect of sulfates in "brightening" clouds was towards the lower end of estimates. That eased the fears that work to control pollution would release explosive global warming. |
|
On another other hand, when new satellite methods to measure water droplet concentrations made it possible to separate the direct effects of aerosols from meteorological feedbacks, it appeared that the power of aerosols to cool the planet by modifying clouds might be stronger than theorists had estimated. In addition, it seemed that wind-blown mineral dust from deserts had increased over the past century, another factor that had probably held back warming more than models allowed for. On yet another hand, measurements in Greenland ice cores found much more sulfates in past centuries, quietly emitted by volcanoes, than scientists had supposed. Historical analyses might have exaggerated how far the recent human emissions had offset warming. |
<=>Models
(GCMs) |
Some of the new findings involved such a tangle of processes that nobody could guess whether the result would be faster global warming, or slower. For example, wildfires were increasing globally, and some were so colossal that their smoke clouds penetrated into the stratosphere. The huge quantities of black carbon particles lingered for years, with "tremendous potential," researchers reported, to change things... somehow..(97) |
|
Meanwhile, in 2015 the International Maritime Organization required ships to restrict their smokestack emissions of sulfates, and in 2020 they tightened the restrictions. The result was a prompt and sharp decrease in reflective clouds above major shipping lanes, big enough to raise suspicions that the sulfates could have been measurably retarding the rise in global temperature. This "experiment" reinforced the concerns of Hansen and some others who believed that the IPCC was seriously underestimating the indirect aerosol effect. |
|
The uncertainty was partly due to the complexities of calculating the many processes in clouds, but it was still more due to a lack of global data. As always, computer models were only as good as the numbers fed into them, and across most of the planet there were no solid measurements of the ever shifting pollution and its effects on radiation. For decades Hansen, deeply engaged with aerosols throughout his career, had pushed NASA to build a satellite that would look at aerosols. Eventually NASA responded with the "Glory" mission, which launched in 2011—and failed to reach orbit. A replacement mission was originally scheduled for 2016, but suffered delays; the Trump administration, unfriendly to all climate science, attempted to kill the program altogether, but Congress restored funding. A satellite with instruments to measure aerosols ("PACE") was launched at last in 2024. |
|
The efforts to measure aerosols and cloud formation around the globe were backed up by laboratory work. Most prominent was a 4-meter-tall chamber at CERN, the high-energy-physics center near Geneva. The chamber was built in 2009 to check out a hypothesis that cosmic rays had an important influence on aerosols, and hence on cloudiness, and hence on climate. When that influence turned out to be minor, the huge chamber was turned to other studies of cloud formation. For example, researchers found that significant aerosols came from chemical interactions involving organic molecules emitted by plants — it was one way that forests helped to make clouds. There seemed no end to such surprises. As a researcher working on clouds in computer models complained, "We fix one problem and reveal another one."(98) |
<=Solar
variation |
The stubborn uncertainties afflicting aerosol studies were one of the chief reasons why predictions of future temperatures had a disturbingly large range. On top of this, it was uncertain how much people would rein in pollution globally, and doubly uncertain how this would play out in any given region, and thus how the local climate would change. Nevertheless, most experts felt that they had at least a rough idea of the gross effects. By 2020 they were confident that the sum of human aerosol emissions had a significant net cooling
influence globally. Estimates of the
magnitude of the cooling (both direct, and indirect through
modifying clouds) ranged from fairly small to quite strong. |
|
Since the 2015 "Paris Agreement," the world's governments had made specific pledges to reduce their CO2 emissions. Calculations using figures in the IPCC's 2021 report said that if all the promises were kept, global warming would most likely level off around 2.7°C above the pre-industrial level — a number much cited in news reports. The climate scientists themselves were far less precise; the IPCC calculated a possibility (perhaps 5%?) that the actual heating could reach five degrees. In 2023 a group led by Hansen reported an analysis of aerosol effects that claimed future heating would indeed approach that level. Other experts strongly disagreed, but the controversy served to draw attention to the very real risk of utter catastrophe.(99) |
|
Aerosol pollution had certainly delayed the appearance of greenhouse warming in some industrialized
regions and perhaps everywhere. As pollution controls expanded while greenhouse gases inexorably accumulated, it was clear that a dangerous global heating would advance all the faster. |
|
|
RELATED:
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General Circulation Models of the Atmosphere
Rapid Climate Change
1. Franklin (1784). First
to suggest the connection was a French naturalist, Mourgue de Montredon,
in a 1783 communication to the Académie royale de Montpelier. BACK
2. Krakatau's effects were seen only on subtracting
supposed effects of the sunspot cycle. Abbot and
Fowle (1913). The classic study was
Symons (1888). Tambora: Stothers
(1984). BACK
3. A principal exponent of the view that volcanoes
dominated climate change was W.J. Humphreys, see Humphreys
(1913); Humphreys (1920), repeated in the
3rd (1940) edition, pp. 587-618. BACK
4. Wexler (1952), p. 78.
BACK
5. Mitchell (1961). On fallout
studies he cites a 1960 Defense Atomic Support Agency report by A.K. Stebbins;
rhythm: Mitchell (1963), p. 180. BACK
6. It "would be necessary to bring [dust] into
the scheme" of a complete calculation, but "that will not be attempted,"
in the most comprehensive effort at calculation, Richardson
(1922), p. 45, see p. 59; discussed in Nebeker
(1989), pp. 93-94; Ångström (1929) ; another
speculation (first suggested by H. Shapley in 1921) was that long-term
climate changes might come when the Earth passed through clouds of interstellar
dust. Hoyle and Lyttleton (1939); Himpel
(1947); Krook (1953).
BACK Angstrom
7. Wait (1946), p. 343.
BACK
8. Wexler (1953), pp. 94-95.
BACK
9. Twomey (1977b), p. 290.
BACK
10. On Roberts: Levenson (1989),
p. 98. Reporter: John A. Osmundsen, personal communication; contrail studies
are reviewed by Barrett and Landsberg (1975);
one of the first observations was the brief report of Georgi
(1960). BACK
11. "Plenty of nuclei," "air-quality": Twomey (1980), p. 1459. BACK
12. Conover (1966); mills:
Hobbs et al. (1970), see p. 89. BACK
13. Bloch (1965); human
impact was emphasized by Landsberg (1970). BACK
14. New York Times, May 1, 1965, p. 1. Aircraft
were estimated to increase cirrus over as much as 5% of the worlds's skies,
which "is not negligible," according to Bryson and
Wendland (1970), p. 137; repeated in Bryson
and Wendland (1975), p. 146. There were also concerns about exhaust
from space shuttle flights. BACK
15. Wilson and Matthews (1971),
p. 9, see Machta and Carpenter (1971); another
major group effort found that while supersonic transports appeared to
be harmless, the effect was close enough to the threshold of harm to merit
concern. Pollack et al. (1976a); in 1999 a scientific
panel concluded that aircraft would contribute roughly 5% of the human
influence on climate by the year 2050, IPCC (1999).
BACK
16. United States (1950);
see Benarie (2000). BACK
17. "glamour": Gerhard Kaspar in Preining and Davis (2000), p. 392; "academic": Davies (1970). BACK
18. Davies (1970); Othmar
Preining (personal communication) writes that an aerosol scientific community
began forming in the mid 1960s, following the publication of Fuchs
(1964); see Preining and Davis (2000),
pp. 9, 148-49, 393. The American Association of Aerosol Science was formed
only in 1981. A journal Atmospheric Environment, founded 1967,
dealt only with pollution. BACK
19. For a review of aerosol history, see Charlson (1998). BACK
20. Junge (1958), p. 95.
He asserted that "unpolluted areas... no longer exist" in Western Europe
and the northeastern United States (p. 101), but was not thinking of pollution
great enough to alter climate. BACK
21. McCormick and Ludwig (1967);
Bryson (1967); for establishment of network
in 1960-61, see Flowers et al. (1969). BACK
22. Twomey (1977b), p.
1. BACK
23. Symposium: Singer (1970);
Bryson and Wendland (1970), quote p. 137;
see also Bryson (1968). India: Bryson
(1967), p. 53. Impressed: Peterson et al.
(2008), p. 1328. BACK
24. Cobb and Wells (1970);
see also Hodge (1971). BACK
25. Mitchell at meeting of AAAS, Boston, Dec. 1969,
as cited by Landsberg (1970); quote: Mitchell (1970), p. 153, from a 1968 symposium. BACK
26. "It seems probable that present changes of the
Earth's temperature are determined mainly by... the level of volcanic
activity," concluded Budyko (1969), p. 613; on the other hand, Lamb concluded
that "volcanic dust is not the only, and probably not the main, influence,"
Lamb (1970); skepticism held up publication of this paper
for five years, see Lamb (1997), p. 189. BACK
27. Barrett and Landsberg
(1975), pp. 42-43, 48. BACK
28. Mitchell (1971b), quote
p. 713. BACK
29. If exponential growth continued, Mitchell foresaw
a 1°C greenhouse effect temperature rise by 2000, followed by accelerating
cooling as aerosols accumulated faster than CO2.
Mitchell (1970); "In my opinion, man-made aerosols... constitute
a more acute problem than CO2," Landsberg (1970). BACK
30. Kaiser (2000). BACK
31. This globally averaged model didn't allow for
changes in convection or clouds, and got only 2°C of warming for
an eightfold rise of CO2, an error soon corrected by other calculations. Also, the ice-age scenario came from an exponential rise of aerosols beyond anything possible. Rasool and Schneider (1971), quote p. 138, with references
to work of Budyko and Sellers; they calculated the doubling of dust from
data reported by Hodge (1971); see confirmation and priority claim by Barrett (1971); criticism: Charlson
et al. (1972); Weare et al. (1974); Chylek and Coakley (1974); Kellogg et al. (1975); possible warming was calculated
by Wang and Domoto (1974). BACK
32. Also, it was suggested that such dust storms
might initiate a radical warming by darkening the polar ice caps. Sagan
et al. (1973). BACK
33. Bryson (1973). BACK
34. Bryson (1974), quote
p. 756; for earlier mention, see Bryson (1973),
p. 9. BACK
34a. Rotstayn
and Lohmann (2002); Chiang and Friedman (2012). BACK. 35. Kellogg made a distinction between effects of
aerosols over land (cooling) or sea (not necessarily cooling), but held
that the pollutants were mostly over land. Kellogg
et al. (1975); Bryson's theory of cooling was "almost the opposite
of the true situation," Kellogg said at a 1980 international workshop,
Kellogg (1980), p. 282. BACK
36. Schneider and Mass (1975).
BACK
37. E.g., Barrett and Landsberg
(1975), pp. 53, p. 77. BACK
38. Bryson and Dittberner
(1976); see the challenge by Woronko (1977)
and reply, Bryson and Murray (1977). BACK
38a. Peterson
et al. (2008), p. 1331. BACK
39. "Perhaps the most sensitive," Hobbs et al. (1974); "profound," referring to Budyko's
1969 paper, Twomey (1974).
BACK
40. GARP (1975), quote
p. 44; they cite Mitchell (1973); aerosol effects
were "lost in the noise": Barrett and Landsberg
(1975), p. 72. BACK
41. Idso and Brazel (1977);
Herman et al. (1978). BACK
42. Damon and Kunen (1976);
Damon and Kunen (1978). BACK
43. For example: Baldwin et
al. (1976); Pollack et al. (1976b); Shaw (1976); Ninkovich and Donn (1976);
Herman et al. (1978); aerosols "can hardly have
a significant effect" except regionally: Kellogg
(1980). BACK
44. Twomey (1977a); Twomey (1977b); Twomey (1977c);
see also Twomey (1974) (which showed that while
very few nuclei would inhibit precipitation, so would very many, multiplying
droplets too small to fall as rain); for brief review and further references
on aerosols and precipitation, see Rosenfeld (2000), p. 1793. BACK
45. Toon (2000), p. 1763.
BACK
46. Heintzenberg and Charlson
(1996), p. 987. BACK
47. Kondratyev (1981)
; Ginsburg and Feigelyson (1980) . BACK
48. E.g., "A significant dip in temperature can
be found within a few years after the major eruption dates..." according
to Taylor et al. (1980), p. 175. BACK
49. Hamilton and Seliga (1972).
Recent studies: Bauer et al. (2004.
BACK
50. Humphreys (1940),
p. 595; Junge (1952) . BACK
51. Wilson and Matthews (1971),
pp. 279-80, 283-84. BACK
52. Barrett and Landsberg
(1975), pp. 44-45. BACK
53. Bolin and Charlson (1976);
for other studies of regional haze, see Husar and
Patterson (1980). BACK
54. Bolin and Charlson (1976),
p. 50. BACK
55. I have not seen the original Russian language
publications, including Budyko (1974a); Budyko
(1974b); see Budyko and Korol (1975); Budyko (1977), pp. 239-41; quote from Geophysical Abstracts
B (1977), p. 63, an English summary of Budyko and
Drozdov (1976). BACK
56. E.g., Toon and Pollack
(1976). BACK
57. Harshvardhan and Cess
(1976); Harshvardhan (1979); Charlock and Sellers (1980); for an overview, see Hansen et al. (1980). BACK
58. A one-dimensional model. Hansen et al. (1978); see also the approximate calculation
by Pollack et al. (1976b); Charlock
and Sellers (1980); recent opinions: e.g., B.J. Mason, see Gribbin (1976). BACK
59. The Venus greenhouse was invoked regarding the
importance of sulfuric acid in Hansen et al. (1978).
BACK
60. Hammer et al. (1980).
BACK
61. Hansen et al. (1981);
see also Bryson and Goodman (1980) (eyeball
comparison going back to the 1880s); Gilliland (1982b).
BACK
62. Stott et al. (2000).
BACK
63. Hofmann (1988), quote
p. 196. The paper includes a historical review of 1980s work. BACK
64. Coakley et al. (1983).
BACK
65. Freeman and Liou (1979),
p. 283. BACK
66. Hansen et al. (1981),
p. 960, "inevitable" p. 966. BACK
67. E.g., Husar and Patterson
(1980) (listing 1970s studies); Ball and Robinson
(1982); for useful reviews, see Charlson and
Wigley (1994); Charlson (1998). BACK
68. Peterson et al. (1981).
BACK
69. Each year: Hofmann and Rosen (1980). "Arctic Haze, an aerosol showing a strong anthropogenic
chemical fingerprint," Shaw (1982); scientists
"startled": Kerr (1981). Already in the 1950s, J. Murray Mitchell had
guessed the haze was caused by distant industries. BACK
70. Kondratyev (1988),
pp. 179-95. BACK
71. Alvarez et al. (1984);
Wolbach et al. (1985). BACK
72. McLean (1985). BACK
73. More pollution divided the water among more
and hence smaller droplets, which not only made clouds linger (by inhibiting
precipitation) but would also raise the reflectivity of the clouds and
lower their absorption of solar radiation, keeping them cool and further
lengthening their lifetime. Twomey (1980); the
effect of aerosols in increasing cloud lifetimes and reflection, especially
over the oceans where nuclei are rare, was worked out particularly by
Albrecht (1989); "...the climatic effect is
quite comparable to that of increased carbon dioxide, and acts in the
opposite direction." Twomey et al. (1984).
BACK
74. Twomey (1980), p.
1461; he went on to report a verification at a single site, Twomey
et al. (1984). BACK
75. Coakley et al. (1987);
Radke et al. (1989). For cloudiness probably due to nitrates, see Lawrence and Crutzen (1999). Inconsistencies:
e.g., Ackerman et al. (2000). Effects where no ship tracks visible: Manshausen et al. (2022). Tool: e.g., Durkee et al. (2000), Christensen and Stephens (2011). BACK
76. Schwartz (1988).
BACK
77. White (1986), quote
p. 1671. BACK
78. Charlson et al. (1987) (the “CLAW” hypothesis); Ayers and Cainey (2007). BACK
79. Joseph (1984); Charlson et al. (1992), p. 425. BACK
80. Quote from chapter on "Greenhouse gases and
aerosols" by R.T. Watson et al., IPCC (1990),
p. 32. BACK
81. Hansen and Lacis (1990).
BACK
82. R. Charlson, personal communication, 2002. BACK
83. "Comparable to but opposite in sign to the
current greenhouse forcing by increased CO2 to
date," Charlson
et al. (1991); the first, primitive version was Charlson
et al. (1990). Key paper: Bolin (2007),
p. 254. BACK
84. Hansen et al. (1992).
BACK
85. Smoke: Penner et al. (1992);
similarly, Charlson et al. (1992), which is cited much more often than the 1991 Charlson et al. paper; see Kerr
(1992). Direct effect calculation: Kiehl and
Briegleb (1993), quote from abstract; indirect effect calculation:
Jones et al. (1994). BACK
86. Wigley (1994). BACK
87. Mitchell et al. (1995);
IPCC (1996a), chap. 8. BACK
88. Taylor and Penner (1994).
BACK
89. IPCC (2001a). A review of aerosols and the 1950s-60s global temperature dip: Hegerl et al. (2019). BACK
90. Ledley et al. (1999),
p. 458; Singer (1999) also notes uncertainty
about aerosol effects. BACK
91. E.g., on increased dust, see Andreae (1996). BACK
92. Satheesh and Ramanathan
(2000), discussed in Wall Street Journal, May 6, 2003, p.
1; Hansen et al. (2000). "The magnitude
of the direct radiative forcing from black carbon itself exceeds that
due to CH4, suggesting that black carbon may be
the second most important component of global warming after CO2
in terms of direct forcing," Jacobson (2001).
Subsequently Hansen and Nazarenko (2004) argued
that decreased reflection of sunlight from snow and ice dirtied by soot
gave another significant contribution to global warming. BACK
93. Hansen et al. (2000);
Andreae (2001). BACK
93a. Ohmura and Wild (2002)
and Roderick and Farquhar (2002) drew attention
to the summary of evidence in Stanhill and Cohen
(2001); Ohmura and Lang (1989). For "gorilla"
and more see Kenneth Chang, "Globe Grows Darker as Sunshine Diminishes
10% to 37%," New York Times, May 13, 2004. Reversal: Wild
et al. (2005); Pinker et al. (2005),
Stanhill (2007). Underestimates: Anderson
et al. (2003); Crutzen quoted Pearce (2003);
brightening: Ohring et al. (2008). A 2005
analysis of satellite measurements indicated a disturbingly strong aerosol
effect, Bellouin et al. (2005). On regional effects through 2007
see Wang et al. (2009). Updates: Solomon et al. (2011); Hatzianastassiou et al. (2012); IPCC (2021a) § 7.2.2.3. BACK
94. Boucher (1999) and other studies show contrails are significant, indeed they do more to warm the globe than the CO2 gases the aircraft emit [Burkhard and Kärcher (2011)], but they are less important than other causes of climate change. BACK
95. Cess et al. (1995);
Pilewskie and Valero (1995); Ramanathan
et al. (1995); Li et al.(1995); see Kerr
(1995); "complexity:" Kiehl (1999), p.
1273; "nightmare:" Ramanathan quoted in Schrope
(2000), p. 10. Not used in models: Knutti (2008); J. Hansen in particular raised serious doubts. "Early stages," Satheesh and
Ramanathan (2000), p. 62; for an argument that there was nothing
serious missing, see Hansen et al. (2000),
pp. 147-54. "Because nearly all recent studies show good agreement between
observations and models, the dust of the CAA [cloud absorption anomaly]
debate appears to be settling down," Li et al.
(2003). BACK
95a. Bock and Burkhardt (2019). BACK
96. Black carbon: Ramanathan
and Carmichael (2008); Bond et al. (2013); controversial: Wang et al. (2014). Sulfates: Schwartz
and Andreae (1996); Schwartz et al. (2007).
BACK
97. Aerosols masking sensitivity: Andreae et al. (2005). Stevens (2017); Malavelle et al. (2017); Rosenfeld et al. (2019). Dust: Kok et al. (2023), Froyd et al. (2022); Greenland sulfates: Jongebloed et al. (2023); wildfires: Katich et al. (2023). BACK
98. Shipping emissions: Yuan et al. (2022); Hansen et al. (2023), cf. Hansen et al. (2011), Hansen et al. (2013), calling pollution restrictions a "Faustian bargain;" Bob Berwyn, "The Rate of Global Warming During Next 25 Years Could Be Double What it Was in the Previous 50, a Renowned Climate Scientist Warns," Inside Climate News (Sept. 15, 2021), online here. Organic molecules: Riccobono et al. (2014); "reveal:" Andrew Gettelman quoted in Max Kozlov, "Cloud-Making Aerosol Could Devastate Polar Sea Ice," QuantaMagazine.org, Feb. 23, 2021, online here. BACK
99. Uncertainties: e.g., Persad et al. (2022). IPCC (2021b), Fig. SPM.2; Hansen et al. (2023). BACK
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